Federalist papers definition
A local spirit will infallibly prevail much more in the members of Congress, than a national spirit will prevail in the legislatures of the particular States.Whatever the legal consequences might have been, other consequences would probably have resulted, of too serious a nature not to be provided against.This censorial body, therefore, proves at the same time, by its researches, the existence of the disease, and by its example, the inefficacy of the remedy.Wisely, therefore, do they consider union and a good national government as necessary to put and keep them in SUCH A SITUATION as, instead of INVITING war, will tend to repress and discourage it.Croix enjoyed certain immunities which had been reserved to him.
No tax can be laid on land which will not affect the proprietor of millions of acres as well as the proprietor of a single acre.From such a parade of constitutional powers, in the representatives and head of this confederacy, the natural supposition would be, that it must form an exception to the general character which belongs to its kindred systems.Their connections of blood, of friendship, and of acquaintance embrace a great proportion of the most influential part of the society.And in the third place, no comparison can be made between the means that will be possessed by the more permanent branches of the federal government for seducing, if they should be disposed to seduce, the House of Representatives from their duty to the people, and the means of influence over the popular branch possessed by the other branches of the government above cited.A tolerable expertness in military movements is a business that requires time and practice.
These considerations seem alone sufficient to authorize a conclusion, that the Supreme Court would have been an improper substitute for the Senate, as a court of impeachments.This piece of history proves at once the inefficiency of the union, the ambition and jealousy of its most powerful members, and the dependent and degraded condition of the rest.From these considerations it appears that those gentlemen are greatly mistaken who suppose that alliances offensive and defensive might be formed between these confederacies, and would produce that combination and union of wills of arms and of resources, which would be necessary to put and keep them in a formidable state of defense against foreign enemies.Let him now be confronted with the evidence of the fact, and let him, if he be able, justify or extenuate the shameful outrage he has offered to the dictates of truth and to the rules of fair dealing.Maryland approaches more nearly to New York, as does also Virginia, except that the latter has a plurality of chancellors.But does it follow because there is a power to lay them that they will actually be laid.We may of course expect to see, in any body of men charged with its original formation, very different combinations of the parts upon different points.But would not her navigation be materially injured by the loss of the important advantage of being her own carrier in that trade.
Personal estate (as has been before remarked), from the difficulty in tracing it, cannot be subjected to large contributions, by any other means than by taxes on consumption.We owe it to mere casualty, that very serious embarrassments on this subject have been hitherto escaped.And although this variety of interests, for reasons sufficiently explained in a former paper, may have a salutary influence on the administration of the government when formed, yet every one must be sensible of the contrary influence, which must have been experienced in the task of forming it.Attempts have been made to pervert this clause into an objection against the Constitution, by representing it on one side as a criminal toleration of an illicit practice, and on another as calculated to prevent voluntary and beneficial emigrations from Europe to America.
This is the security which appears to have been principally relied on by the compilers of most of the American constitutions.With what propriety, therefore, or for what good purposes, are attempts at this particular period made by some men to depreciate the importance of the Union.And every man must now feel, that the inevitable tendency of such a spirit is to sap the foundations of public and private confidence, and to introduce in its stead universal distrust and distress.If they exhibit occasional calms, these only serve as short-lived contrast to the furious storms that are to succeed.
The right of equal suffrage among the States is another exceptionable part of the Confederation.Here also the firmness of the judicial magistracy is of vast importance in mitigating the severity and confining the operation of such laws.This is an extremity to which no government will of choice accede.It is agreed on all sides, that numbers are the best scale of wealth and taxation, as they are the only proper scale of representation.Others, though content that treaties should be made in the mode proposed, are averse to their being the SUPREME laws of the land.Ambition, avarice, personal animosity, party opposition, and many other motives not more laudable than these, are apt to operate as well upon those who support as those who oppose the right side of a question.
If he happened to be a man of quick sensibility, or ardent temper, he could now no longer refrain from regarding these clamors as the dishonest artifices of a sinister and unprincipled opposition to a plan which ought at least to receive a fair and candid examination from all sincere lovers of their country.A FOURTH objection to the Senate in the capacity of a court of impeachments, is derived from its union with the Executive in the power of making treaties.The example of these States, when British colonies, claims particular attention, at the same time that it is so well known as to require little to be said on it.If a return can be obtained, no matter by what unlawful means, the irregular member, who takes his seat of course, is sure of holding it a sufficient time to answer his purposes.The council of appointment consists of from three to five persons, of whom the governor is always one.The people of America are aware that inducements to war may arise out of these circumstances, as well as from others not so obvious at present, and that whenever such inducements may find fit time and opportunity for operation, pretenses to color and justify them will not be wanting.The latitude of the expression here used seems to secure each State, not only against foreign hostility, but against ambitious or vindictive enterprises of its more powerful neighbors.The cries of the nation and the importunities of their representatives have, upon various occasions, dragged their monarchs into war, or continued them in it, contrary to their inclinations, and sometimes contrary to the real interests of the State.If an improper spirit of any kind should happen to prevail in it, that spirit would be apt to infuse itself into the new members, as they come forward in succession.
The President is indirectly derived from the choice of the people, according to the example in most of the States.The Utility of the Union in Respect to Commercial Relations and a Navy For the Independent Journal.Even in Great Britain, where the principles of political and civil liberty have been most discussed, and where we hear most of the rights of the Constitution, it is maintained that the authority of the Parliament is transcendent and uncontrollable, as well with regard to the Constitution, as the ordinary objects of legislative provision.Should we be long permitted to remain in the quiet and undisturbed enjoyment of a metropolis, from the possession of which we derived an advantage so odious to our neighbors, and, in their opinion, so oppressive.They so far exceed the usual though unjustifiable licenses of party artifice, that even in a disposition the most candid and tolerant, they must force the sentiments which favor an indulgent construction of the conduct of political adversaries to give place to a voluntary and unreserved indignation.We shall not, however, see much reason to reget the want of this hope, when we consider how little prospect there is, that the most delinquent States will ever be able to make compensation for their pecuniary failures.
To act this part would be to desert all the usual maxims of prudence and policy.Have there not been as many wars founded upon commercial motives since that has become the prevailing system of nations, as were before occasioned by the cupidity of territory or dominion.It remains to inquire how far so odious an engine of government, in its application to us, would even be capable of answering its end.This deference to state laws is based on the idea that states are separate sovereigns with autonomy that must be taken into consideration.